A Law and Economics Approach to Problem
of International Human Right Law
Seungyoon, Baek
Master’s thesis
University of Helsinki
Faculty of law
Public international law
Supervised by Dr Magdalena Kmak
April 2015
2
Tiedekunta/Osasto – Fakultet/Sektion – Faculty
Faculty of Law
Laitos – Institution – Department
Tekijä – Författare – Author
Seungyoon, Baek
Työn nimi – Arbetets titel – Title
A Law and Economics Approach to Problem of International Human Rights Law
Oppiaine – Läroämne – Subject
Public International Law
Työn laji – Arbetets art –
Level
Master’s Thesis
Aika – Datum – Month and year
April 2015
Sivumäärä – Sidoantal – Number of pages
80 pages
Tiivistelmä – Referat – Abstract
Afer World War Ⅱ, many international human rights treaties have been ratified. Although an expectation that
international human rights law makes world better to protect human rights, there are still vast human rights violations in
various countries. From the gap between expectation to international human rights law and reality of human rights
violations, the purpose of this thesis is to point out the problem of international human rights law and not only to point out
the problem but also to suggest a coherent and logical explanation. To achieve the goal, this thesis investigates three
questions: what is the better way to understand international law?, why do states comply with international law?, and
what is the problem of international human rights law?.
The first, this paper argues and represents that law and economics approach can be the better way to understand
international law and can be a useful methodology to research international law. Despite of some concerns from
misunderstanding of law and economics approach, law and economics can give insights to study international law, using
economic theories such as price theory, transaction cost economics, game theory.
The second, this paper shows the reason why states comply with international law. Although there are previous studies
that explain compliance with international law, the studies have limitations to suggest a coherent and logical explain. By
law and economics analysis, the key for states’ compliance is the three Rs of compliance: reciprocity, retaliation, and
reputation. The three Rs makes and raises cost for states’ non-compliance with international law. Therefore, through the
three Rs, international law can work as self-enforcing mechanism and can induce states to comply with international law.
The third, this paper point out problems of international human rights. This paper argues that international human rights
law has different character or concept compared with other international laws such as WTO law and law of war.
International human rights law is not based on reciprocal character as contract model but based on moral foundation that
makes consent between states as declarations of existing moral norms. Because this different character, the three Rs as
the key for compliance cannot work well. Only reputation little works. Moreover, there are no strong enforcement
mechanisms in international human rights regimes. Although there are some enforcement mechanisms in international
human rights system, they have limitations to induce states to comply with international human rights law and do not
impose costs for states’ non-compliance.
In conclusion, from law and economics approach, international human rights law as self-enforcing mechanism cannot
satisfy the conditions for compliance of international law: reciprocity, retaliation, and reputation. Moreover, there are not
strong and effective enforcement mechanisms to assure compliance in international human rights treaties. Therefore,
current international human rights law cannot fully induce and facilitate states to comply with international human rights
obligations.
Avainsanat – Nyckelord – Keywords
International Law, Law and Economics, Human rights
Säilytyspaikka – Förvaringställe – Where deposited
Faculty of Law at the University of Helsinki
Muita tietoja – Övriga uppgifter – Additional information
3
TABLE OF CONTENTS
List of Abbreviation 5
Table of Cases 6
Table of Treaties 6
Table of Other Documents 7
Ⅰ. Introduction 8
Ⅱ. Law and Economics Approach to International Law 11
1. What Is Law and Economics 12
1.1 Price theory 13
1.2 Transaction Cost Economics 14
1.3 Game Theory 15
1.4 Public Choice Theory 16
2. Why law and economics approach to international law? 16
2.1 Why have international lawyers avoided law and economics? 17
2.1.1 Concern of Methodology 17
2.1.2 Concern of Political Bias 17
2.1.3 Concern of Positivism 18
2.2 Applying Law and Economics to International Law 19
2.2.1 Price Theory 20
2.2.2 Efficient Breach Hypothesis 22
2.2.3 Transaction Cost Economics 24
2.2.4 Game Theory 26
Ⅲ. Compliance Theory 27
1. Previous Studies 28
1.1 International Legal Studies 28
1.1.1 Managerial Model 28
1.1.2 Consent-based Theory 31
1.1.3 Legitimacy Theory 32
1.1.4 Transnational Legal Process 33
1.2 International Relations Theories 35
1.2.1 Realism 35
4
1.2.2 Liberalism 36
1.2.3 Institutionalism 38
2. Law and economics approach to compliance 38
2.1 Simple Models of Cooperation 39
2.1.1 Coincidence of Interest 39
2.1.2 Coercion 40
2.1.3 Pure Coordination 41
2.1.4 Battle of the Sexes 43
2.2 Prisoner’s Dilemma 45
2.3 Repeated Prisoner’s Dilemma 47
2.4 Role of International Law 49
2.5 The Three Rs of Compliance 50
2.5.1 Reciprocity 50
2.5.2 Retaliation 52
2.5.3 Reputation 53
Ⅳ. Problems of International Human Rights Treaties 55
1. The Concept of International Human Rights Treaties 55
2. The Three Rs of Compliance 60
2.1 Reciprocity 60
2.2 Retaliation 62
2.3 Reputation 64
3. Other Enforcement Mechanisms 66
4. Empirical Studies 70
Ⅴ. Conclusion 73
Bibliography 75
5
List of Abbreviation
American Convention on Human Rights (ACHR)
Central Intelligence Agency (CIA)
Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment (CAT)
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW)
Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC)
European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR)
European Union (EU)
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT)
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR)
International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESC)
International Court of Justice (ICJ)
International Non Governmental Organisations (INGOs)
Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs)
UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR)
United States Senate Select Committee on Intelligence (SSCI)
Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR)
United States (US)
World Trade Organization (WTO)
6
Table of Cases
Legality of the Threat or Use of Nuclear Weapons, Advisory Opinion, ICJ Report (1996)
21.
Reservation to the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide,
Advisory Opinion, ICJ Reports (1951) 15.
Austria v. Italy, Application No. 788/60, European Commission of Human Rights,
Decision (11 January 1961).
The Effects of Reservations on the Entry into Force of the American Convention (Arts. 74
and 75), Series A No. 2, Inter-American Court of Human Rights, Advisory Opinion OC-
2/82 (24 September 1982).
Table of Treaties
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 16 December 1966, in force 23
March 1976, 999 UNTS 171.
International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, 16 Decomber 1966, in
force 03 January 1976, 993 UNTS 3.
Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment, 10
December 1984, in force 26 June 1987, 1465 UNTS 85.
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, 18
December 1979, in force 03 September 1981, 1249 UNTS 13.
Convention on the Rights of the Child, 20 November 1989, in force 02 September 1990,
1577 UNTS 3.
European Convention on Human Rights, 04 November 1950, in force 03 September 1953,
213 UNTS 221.
7
American Convention on Human Rights, 21 November 1969, in force 18 July 1978, 1144
UNTS 123.
Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, 23 May 1969, in force 27 January 1980, 1155
UNTS 331
Understanding on Rules and Procedures Governing the Settlement of Disputes, 15 April
1994, Marrakesh Agreement Establishing the World Trade Organization, Annex 2, 1869
UNTS 401.
Convention for the Unification of certain rules relating to international carriage by air, 12
October 1929, in force 13 February 1933, 137 LNTS 11.
Convention for the Unification of Certain Rules for International Carriage by Air, 28 May
1999, in force 4 November 2003, 2242 UNTS 309.
Convention on International Civil Aviation, 7 December 1944, in force 4 April 1947, 15
UNTS 295.
Convention on Offences and Certain Other Acts Committed On Board Aircraft, 14
September 1963, in force 4 December 1969, 704 UNTS 219.
Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Seizure of Aircraft, 16 December 1970, in
force 14 October 1971, 860 UNTS 105.
Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts against the Safety of Civil Aviation, 23
September 1971, in force 26 January 1973, 974 UNTS 177.
Table of Other Documents
Universal Declaration of Human Rights, GA Res. 217A (III), 10 December 1948.
General Comment No.24 (52), UN Doc. CCPR/C/21/Rev.1/Add.6 (1994).
8
I.
Introduction
Since the end of World War II, more than twenty of international human rights treaties
have been signed by most countries. As Louis Henkin wrote, the present age may be seen
as ‘the Age of Rights’.1 It is expected that international human rights treaties affect
member states to respect human rights and make differences in the protection of human
rights. This expectation is based on an assumption implied by many human rights scholars
and advocates that international human rights standards can lead states to protect such
values in the domestic arena.2 Indeed, human rights scholars suggest that ‘once states
adopt the rhetoric of human rights and begin to move toward norm compliance, there is no
turning back’.3 Ultimately, the human rights movement expects that human rights norms
established in international law will build a better world.4
However, at the present time, it can be easily heard from the global news media that
widespread breaches of international human rights remain, even though most states have
joined the various international human rights treaty regimes. For example, in 2011, ‘The
Economist’ published two articles5 about China’s political and economic changes after its
membership of the World Trade Organization (WTO). The first article’s title is ‘China’s
economy and the WTO: All Change’, and the second is ‘Chinese politics and the WTO: No
Change’. As the articles’ names imply, the Chinese economy has significantly changed and
China has achieved impressive outcomes in terms of economic development. Through the
joining WTO system and compliance with WTO law, China has opened its economic
system and also tried to modify its national economic regulations in order to adjust to
international standards that WTO required. Cooperating with other states within WTO
system and Complying with WTO law, China could achieve the economic development
and could successfully participate in international economic order. However, the second
article argued that despite these substantial economic changes, Chinese politics had not
1 Louis Henkin, The Age of Rights (Columbia University Press, 1990)
2 Andrew T. Guzman and Katerina Linos, ‘Human Rights Backsliding’, 102 California Law Review (2014)
603-654, at 605.
3 Eran Shor, ‘Conflict, Terrorism, and the Socialization of Human Rights Norms: The Spiral Model
Revisited’, 55 Social Problems (2008) 117-138, at 118.
4 David Rieff, ‘The Precarious Triumph of Human Rights’, New York Times Magazine, 8 Aug
1999,
5 ‘China’s economy and the WTO: All change’, The Economists, Dec 10th 2011; Chinese politics and the
WTO: No change, The Economists, Dec 10th 2011.
9
changed to the same extent. In other words, although China’s power and impact on the
world has significantly increased, China is still one of the major human rights-violation
countries. China’s power and economic impact resulted in joining WTO system and
economic growth and development. Although China could obtain the results by trying to
comply with WTO law and international standards, this compliance with international law
do not lead to protect international human rights values and standards that international
human rights law requires. Moreover, according to the Report on Torture by United States
Senate Select Committee on Intelligence (SSCI), even the United States (US) – which is
widely considered to be one of the most democratic countries – used the Central
Intelligence Agency (CIA)’s Detention and Interrogation Program for various forms of
torture on detainees between 2001 and 2009.6 In addition, human rights violations are not
only seen in the cases of China and US but more widely in many other countries in the
world. Many countries, including liberal democratic countries in the West, offered
assistance to the US effort. From recent human rights records7, in 2011, 93 countries used
torture ‘frequently’, 65 countries ‘occasionally’, and just 34 countries ‘not at all’.8
Henkin, in his book How Nations Behave, argued that ‘almost all nations observe
almost all principles of international law and almost all of their obligations almost all of
the time’.9 If Henkin’s finding is right and is the case, however, international human rights
obligations seem to be different from other international legal obligations because of the
vast human rights violations in various countries. Now is the time to evaluate international
human rights law. It is important to evaluate the effectiveness and limits of international
human rights treaties in order to understand this gap between the expectations associated
with international human rights law and the realities of how these norms function. The
reality of human rights violations has lead to questions about the problems of international
human rights law and why states violate international human rights obligations but
generally not other international law such as ‘WTO law’10 and ‘law of war’11. To
6 For more detail, See Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, Committee Study of the Central Intelligence
Agency’s Detention and Interrogation Program,
torture report’,
7 David L. Cingranelli, David L. Richards, and K. Chad Clay, CIRI Human Rights Documentation,
8 Eric A. Posner, The Twilight of Human Rights Law (Oxford University Press, 2014), at 3.
9 Louis Henkin, How Nations Behave (2nd edn, Columbia University Press, 1979), at 47.
10 See Alan O Sykes, ‘When is International Law Useful?’ (2013). New York University Law and Economics
Working Papers, Paper 348,
10
understand this phenomenon, one should study states’ behaviour, especially compliance,
concerning international law, including customary international law and international
treaties because compliance is one of the most central questions in international law.12
Without an understanding of the connection between international law and state actions,
one cannot hope to provide useful policy advice with respect to international law.
From the research background, this paper asks the main question that ‘what the
problem of international human rights law is’. Why international human rights law does
not fully induce states to comply with their human rights obligations?’ What is the reason
why states do not seem to comply with international human rights law even though they
relatively comply with other international laws? Are there any differences between other
international laws and international human rights law? To answer this main question, it is
needed to know the reason ‘why states comply with international law’. To analyse
international human rights law and states’ behaviours and to compare compliance with
international human rights law to other international laws, the answer of the question ‘why
states comply with international law’ is very important. Moreover, not only to discover or
show the problem of international human rights but also to suggest theoretically coherent
and logical explanation, this paper will represent a law and economics approach as an
answer the question ‘what the better way to understand international law and international
legal issues is’. To understand international law and states’ behaviours, a law and
economics approach can be better way or method rather than other methods of or
approaches to international law. However, a law and economics does not commonly
accepted by international legal scholars and is generally misunderstood by them. Therefore,
this paper will suggest the usefulness of law and economics approach to international law.
Overall, this paper will explore the answers to three questions in order to solve the main
question: ‘what is the better way to understand and study international law and
international legal issues?’, ‘why do states comply with international law?, and ‘what is the
problem of international human rights law?’
To achieve the goal to answer the central research questions and to discover the
11 See Eric Posner, ‘Human Rights, the Laws of War, and Reciprocity’ (2010), John M. Olin Law &
Economics Working Paper No. 537,
5 December 2014)
12 See Harold H. Koh, ‘Why Do Nations Obey International Law?’, 106 The Yale Law Journal(1997) 2599-
2659, at 2599-2601.
11
connection between international law and state behaviour, this paper will investigate the
problem of international human rights law, using a law and economics approach to
international law. After the brief introduction, part II will introduce the law and economics
approach to international law. In this part, the possibilities and benefits of applying an
economic analysis to international law will be presented. In part III, this paper will answer
the question of why states comply with international law. Compliance theories from
international legal scholars and international relations scholars will be reviewed and
criticised because these theories cannot suggest coherent and logical answer for the
question and have limits to explain states’ compliance. After this review, the paper explains
the connection between international law and states’ behaviour using a law and economics
approach. Part IV will identify the problem of international human rights law, providing an
answer for the question of why international human rights law cannot fully induce states to
comply, and clarifying differences between international human rights law and other
international laws. In this part, the paper will examine universal human rights treaties such
as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), Convention against
Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment (CAT). The paper will not,
however, cover regional human rights treaties such as The European Convention on
Human Rights (ECHR) and The American Convention on Human Rights (ACHR) which
have relatively more effective enforcement mechanisms. Moreover, the analysis will be
supported by empirical results that have been released from important previous researches.
Finally, part V will conclude the thesis.
II. Law and Economics Approach to International Law
Law and economics has been developed in various areas of legal studies; beyond anti-
trust law and economic law, law and economics has recently applied to contract law, tort
law, criminal law, and constitutional law. On the other hand, law and economics has much
less impact on research or study international law. Even though there are an increasing
number of studies that use law and economics to research international law, its influence in
international legal study is still limited because international legal scholars lack or
misunderstand economic theories. However, likewise other areas of law, law and
economics can expand understanding international law and international legal issues.
Moreover, based on the broader understanding, law and economics can suggest better
12
solutions or international legal policies to international society. In this part, under the
question ‘what the better way to understand international law and international legal issues
is’, this paper will argue that law and economics is feasible and persuasive methodology of
international law. First, this part will explain what law and economics is. Second, it will be
explained that how economic theories are applied to international law with some instances.
Moreover, in the second sub-part, this paper will discuss ‘why international lawyers have
avoided law and economics’.
1. What Is Law and Economics?
The law and economics movement has been considered to be an influential legal
methodology whose influence is arguably continuing to expand. In the introduction to the
third edition of his book, Richard Posner wrote that ‘perhaps the most important
development in legal thought in the last quarter century has been the application of
economics to an ever increasing range of legal fields’.13 Moreover, Bruce Ackerman has
also represented law and economics to be ‘the most important development in legal
scholarship of the twentieth century’.14 This important interdisciplinary approach was
already predicted by Oliver Wendell Holmes, who said that ‘for the rational study of the
law the blackletter man may be the man of the present, but the man of the future is the man
of statistics and the master of economics’.15
Law and economics, known as ‘economic analysis of law’, is a methodology that uses
(micro) economic theory and method in order to analyse making, enforcement, and effect
of law. Economics is based on the rational choice theory. The rational choice theory is a
tool for understanding and modelling social and economic behaviour. In the theory, rational
choice means that under conditions of scarcity, individual actors rationally behave to
maximise their preferences. Law and economics uses this economic tool to understand the
ability of law to affect rational behaviour to maximise their interests inside and outside of
the market. In other words, economics offers a scientific theory to analyse legal institutions’
impact on human behaviour. Law and Economics shares two core pursuits in economics as
a social science. One is a modelling that is based on theory and is source of prediction and
hypotheses. The other is an empirical testing that validates and supports the modelling. As
13 Richard A. Posner, Economic Analysis of Law (3th edn, Little Brown and Company, 1986), at xix.
14 Quoted in Robert D. Cooter and Thomas Ulen, Law and Economics (4th edn, Addison Wesley, 2004), at 3.
15 Oliver Wendell Holmes, The Path of the Law, 10 Harvard Law Review (1897) 457-478, at 469.
13
Posner said in the foreword in Essays in Law and Economics,
To me the most interesting aspect of the law and economics movement has
been its aspiration to place the study of law on a scientific basis, with coherent
theory, precise hypotheses deduced from the theory, and empirical tests of the
hypotheses. Law is a social institution of enormous antiquity and importance,
and I can see no reason why it should not be amenable to scientific study.
Economics is the most advanced of the social sciences, and the legal system
contains many parallels to and overlaps with the systems that economists have
studied successfully.16
Law and economics make possible legal study as science. In addition, economics
allows useful normative standard to assess role and effect of law and policy. Through
economics, one can foresee whether law and policy can achieve its goal efficiently.17
In law and economics, thus, economic concepts including price theory, transaction
cost, game theory, and public choice theory are used ‘to explain the effects of laws,
to assess which legal rules are economically efficient, and to predict which legal
rules will be promulgated’.18
1.1
Price Theory
Price theory is a starting point and basic tool in economic models, especially
neoclassical economics.19 Price theory is based on the assumption that rational actors
behave to maximize their preferences.20 In other words, if all things are equal, people
favour cheaper goods and services, ‘as well as more efficient means of achieving their
nonconsumption goal’.21 Price theory is the basis for a cost-benefit analysis: in order to
16 Quoted in Cooter and Ulen, Law and Economics, supra note 14, at 2.
17 See Cooter and Ulen, Law and Economics, supra note 14, at 4-5.
18 David Friedman, ‘law and economics’, in Steven N. Durlauf and Lawrence E. Blume (eds), The New
Palgrave: A Dictionary of Economics (8 vols, Palgrave Macmillan, 1987), Vol 2, at 144.
19 Joel P. Trachtman, The Economic Structure of International Law (Harvard University Press, 2008), at 4;
Jeffrey L. Dunoff and Joel P. Trachtman, ‘The Law and Economics of Humanitarian Law Violations in
Internal Conflict’, 93 American Journal of International Law (1999), 394-409 at 396.
20 Dunoff and Trachtman, ‘The Law and Economics’, supra note 19, at 396.
21 Trachtman, The Economic Structure, supra note 19, at 4
14
achieve one’s preferences, people seek to maximize benefits and minimize costs. 22
Economists have developed methods using price theory even in a non-monetisable market
that cannot be converted into money23: measuring benefits and costs is not necessarily
monetised and monetisable.24
Price theory also investigates whether supply and demand will be in stable equilibrium.
There are two criterion generated from the equilibrium. The first is Pareto efficiency and
the second is Kaldor-Hicks efficiency. Pareto efficiency analysis examines whether
equilibrium that makes one person better off exists without making anyone worse off.
Kaldor-Hicks analysis, known as potential Pareto efficiency, is a question of whether one
person’s ‘better off’ is much more than anyone’s ‘worse off’.25 The second analysis,
Kaldor-Hicks analysis, is importantly equated to cost-benefit analysis.26 By using the two
criteria, legal institutions can be evaluated. Under the Pareto criterion, if a law makes one
better off without making anyone else worse off, the law can be desirable. Under the
Kaldor-Hicks criterion, even though a law make loser worse off, if the law make winners
better off much more than the losers lose, the law is desirable.27
1.2
Transaction Cost Economics
Transaction cost economics is based on the Coase theorem28 that if people could
negotiate or contract with one another without cost, they would always achieve a Pareto
efficient goal without government or other outside intervention.29 According to the Coase
theorem, if transaction costs could be zero, negotiation and contract between individuals
can generate efficient results, regardless of whether a law grants property rights to
whomever.30 Conversely, if transaction costs exist, property rights that increase asset
specificity and certainty can play significant role to reduce transaction costs and to
facilitate to establish contracts. Based on rational choice, if transaction costs are higher
22 Ibid., at 5
23 Dunoff and Trachtman, ‘The Law and Economics’, supra note 19, at 396.
24 Trachtman, The Economic Structure, supra note 19, at 5
25 Dunoff and Trachtman, ‘The Law and Economics’, supra note 19, at 396.
26 Ibid.
27 Eric A. Posner and Alan O. Sykes, Economic foundations of International Law (The Belknap Press of
Harvard University Press, 2013), at 13.
28 For more detail, see Ronald. H. Coase, ‘The Problem of Social Cost’, 3 Journal of Law and
Economics(1960) 1-44; ‘The Nature of the Firm’, 4 Economica(1937) 386-405.
29 Dunoff and Trachtman, ‘The Law and Economics’, supra note 19, at 396.
30 Cooter and Ulen, Law and Economics, supra note 14, at 89.
15
than the expected benefits from the transaction, the transaction or negotiation will be
difficult to establish.31 Therefore, in the case that there are high transaction costs, to
achieve a Pareto efficient goal which makes efficient allocation of resources depends on
how property rights are determined by law. In fact, as transaction costs always exist, the
insight from the Coase theorem does not mean that government should never intervene.32
On the contrary, legal systems can reduce transaction costs and support negotiation for the
transaction.33 Transaction cost economics refines price theory ‘by including consideration
of, for example, the cost of identifying potential transactors, negotiating agreement, and
enforcing agreement’.34 Thus, under transaction cost economics, one can understand why
actors cannot make agreements even though they can benefit from the establishment of a
clear rule, 35 and how to establish legal systems in order to improve efficiency in
transactions.36
1.3
Game Theory
Game theory is an economic modelling for analysis of strategic interactions between
players. The strategic interactions are situations in which one player’s decision based on
rational choice partly or entirely depends on decisions by others.37 The law frequently
confronts these situations. These situations are similar to games in which players must act
according to a strategy. A strategy is an intention for acting that reacts to the acting of
others. In other words, game theory deals with a strategic behaviour. To analyse strategic
situations, game theory uses the ‘Prisoner’s Dilemma’. In this situation, although players
can maximize their individual benefit by cooperating with each other, the players fail to
cooperate.38 Game theory can explain some cases in which even though players can expect
legal rules or institutions that make the all players obtain maximising benefits as a shared
goal between them, the players might consequently fail to achieve the goal because their
strategic actions depend on other player’s decisions or actions.39 Thus, game theory will
31 김성원, ‘법경제학 국제법 방법론에 관한 연구’, 33 Hanyang Law Review (2011) 65-84 at 71
32 Dunoff and Trachtman, ‘The Law and Economics’, supra note 19, at 396.
33 Cooter and Ulen, Law and Economics, supra note 14, at 97.
34 Dunoff and Trachtman, ‘The Law and Economics’, supra note 19, at 396.
35 Ibid.
36 Cooter and Ulen, Law and Economics, supra note 14, at 96.
37 Dunoff and Trachtman, ‘The Law and Economics’, supra note 19, at 396.
38 For more detail, see C. Goetz, Law and Economics: Cases and Materials (West Publishing Company,
1984), at 5-11.
39 김성원, ‘법경제학 국제법 방법론에 관한 연구’, supra note 31, at 72.
16
improve the understanding of some legal rules and institutions.40
1.4
Public Choice Theory
Public choice theory uses economic tools for dealing with decision making outside of
markets.41 Public choice theory is commonly based on an assumption that politicians,
bureaucrats, and other government actors are rationally self-interested. The politicians and
bureaucrats are attracted to maximize their own interests rather than those of the greater
populace, in the same way as actors generally behave in the private area. The self-interests
of the decision makers are assumed to be their personal power, wealth and political support.
42 This assumption can give useful insight to test hypotheses regarding the government
actor’s behaviour on behalf of their government. 43 Through the assumption about
behaviour of politicians and bureaucrats, public choice theory can indicate that ‘law is
traded for political support, money, power, and other things that politicians and bureaucrats
demand’. 44 Thus, public choice theory considers the legislation process as a
microeconomic system and treats law as goods provided to the ‘highest bidders’.45
2. Why Law and Economics Approach to International Law?
Law and economics can be applied to various area of international law. Law and
economics methodology can suggest solutions and policies to interpretation of
international law, compliance with international law, process of making international
treaties through international organisations, and efficiency of international organisations.
Despite of the benefits of law and economics approach to international law, many
international lawyers have still not considered law and economics as possible methodology
of international law. There may be many explains for the reasons. But, based on research
by Jeffry Dunoff and Joel Trachtman, this paper will present three important reasons:
concern of methodology, concern of political bias, and concern of positivism. However,
these concerns are generated from insufficient understanding or misunderstanding of law
40 Cooter and Ulen, Law and Economics, supra note 14, at 38.
41 Dunoff and Trachtman, ‘The Law and Economics’, supra note 19, at 396.
42 Trachtman, The Economic Structure, supra note 19, at 19; Jonathan R. Macey and Enrico Colombatto, ‘A
Public Choice Model of International Economic Cooperation and the Decline of the Nation State’, 18
CARDOZO LAW REVIEW (1996) 925-956, at 929.
43 Trachtman, The Economic Structure, supra note 19, at 19.
44 Macey and Colombatto, ‘A Public Choice Model’, supra note 42, at 929.
45 Dunoff and Trachtman, ‘The Law and Economics’, supra note 19, at 396.
17
and economics.
2.1 Why Have International Lawyers Avoided Law and Economics?
2.1.1
Concern of Methodology
Dunoff and Trachtman as international legal scholars mentioned that ‘[m]any of us are
uncomfortable with economics’. They represent two reasons. One is that international legal
scholars distrust economic theory and methodologies which are non-normative, positive,
and empirical analysis of social phenomenon, and they therefore think that economic
analysis is difficult to be a part of legal methodologies to study or research for laws as
normative. 46 Another is that there are some difficulties to use economic tools or
methodologies. ‘Complex graphs, charts and multivariable equations may deter those
trained in the law from employing economic analysis.’47
However, the tools are not necessarily required for economic analysis of law. The
complex mathematical analysis that economists use is a small part of the whole economic
analysis and can give little insights on the international legal issues. In other words, many
relevant issues for international legal scholars do not require high mathematical skills. 48
Moreover, modern law and economics approach is applied by new institutional economics.
The new institutional economics tries to incorporate ‘neoclassical economics’ with
institutional analysis, using transaction costs, game theory, public choice and positive
political economy beyond price theory in neoclassical economics. Because institutions
between different systems or countries are important, a main tool of this approach is
comparison. This comparative institutional analysis is already broadly accepted by
international lawyers even though they criticize the law and economics approach.49
2.1.2
Concern of Political Bias
In addition to being difficult to access, many critics of economic analysis relate to the
matter of political neutrality. They argue that the analysis inherently has political biases.
46 Jeffrey L. Dunoff and Joel P. Trachtman, ‘Economic Analysis of International Law’, 24 The Yale Journal
of International Law (1999) 1-59, at 7; 김성원, ‘법경제학 국제법 방법론에 관한 연구’, supra note 30,
at 73.
47 Dunoff and Trachtman, ‘Economic Analysis of’, supra note 46, at 7
48 Ibid; 김성원, ‘법경제학 국제법 방법론에 관한 연구’, supra note 31, at 74.
49 Dunoff and Trachtman, ‘Economic Analysis of’, supra note 46, at 7-8.
18
Critics consider that economists commit to ‘laissez-faire’ economics policy, cooperate
either with the liberal or conservative political side, and reject government interventions. In
the same way, critics of economic analysis reject the attitude to prioritize the values of the
market in which economic values are maximised rather than other important values. In
other words, an economic analysis does not appreciate or measure incommensurable social
values and ‘subordinates those values to economic values’.50
However, these critics do not also undermine trying to apply an economic approach to
international law. Dunoff and Trachtman argue that the criticisms are based on a
misunderstanding of how economics relates to the market. The critics think economic
analysis blindly objects to government intervention and unconditionally ‘believes in’ the
market.51 But in fact the economic methodologies do not have a bias against government
regulation or in preference of the market. On the contrary, the methodologies adopt a
neutral attitude to government intervention and autonomy of the market under rational
choice and efficiency. 52 Moreover, the approach admits the possible validity of
government processes and takes in account the main questions of institutions including the
market.53 Regarding the critic of economics as ignorant of non-monetised values, this is
also misunderstanding, as law and economics does not ignore non-monetary values. In the
process of governing, politics is the leading mechanism to choose values. There are many
non-monetised values that are still worthy of expression. A law and economics approach
does not object to the choice of values through the political process, nor to a priority of the
political over the economic.54
2.1.3
Concern of Positivism
The last criticism is about the positivism of economic analysis. Although the border
between positive and normative economics is unclear, an essential principle of law and
economics is its positivism. The positivism emphasizes on empiricism and analysing the
world as it is, compared with normative perspective as it should be. Dunoff and Trachtman
say that ‘international lawyers have long done battle with a brand of international legal
theory that is called “positivist”’. According to them, because international lawyers have
50 Dunoff and Trachtman, ‘Economic Analysis of’, supra note 46, at 8.
51 Ibid.
52 김성원, ‘법경제학 국제법 방법론에 관한 연구’, supra note 31, at 74
53 Dunoff and Trachtman, ‘Economic Analysis of’, supra note 46, at 8-9.
54 Ibid, at 9.
19
struggled and disputed with ‘positivist’ international legal theory, the critics of
international legal positivism naturally do not see value in applying law and economics
approach to international issues.55 Furthermore, the critics argue that law and economics
methodologies based on positive economics have advantages to analyse a law as it is, but
have limitations to suggest an alternative to problematic laws and institutions. In other
words, law and economics is a useful tool to analyse efficacy of ‘lex lata’, but is difficult to
present ‘lex ferenda’.56
As other criticisms of law and economics, however, critics of ‘positivism’ economic
analysis arise from misunderstanding. Dunoff and Trachtman assert that the critics of
positivism confuse the positivism of economic analysis with other forms of positivism.
Historically, international legal scholars confronted the Westphalian positivist view, and the
Westphalian positivist view was often associated with a realist perspective on international
relations. That is why many international legal scholars reject the Westphalian positivist
model. However, positivism in law and economics has a different meaning from
Westphalian positivism linked with realism. Positivism of law and economics is based on
methodological individualism, compared with a state-centric approach in Westphalian
positivism. This methodological individualism emphasises individual choice as ‘individual
sovereignty’ compared with state sovereignty in the Westphalian positivism.
Methodological individualism can more easily stress issues for cooperation and/or conflict.
Therefore, the positivism of law and economics tends to underline the treaties and
institutions that international legal scholars are interested in.57 Moreover, this positivism
can analyse power and efficiency of international agreements and of international
organisations, and this positive analysis can also present the problems of international
agreements and international organisations. Based upon a positive analysis, one can find or
seek a solution to improve international agreements and international organisations.
Eventually, a law and economics approach can be a starting point to discuss for ‘lex
ferenda’, contrary to the arguments of critics.58
2.2 Applying Law and Economics to International Law
55 Ibid, at 10.
56 김성원, ‘법경제학 국제법 방법론에 관한 연구’, supra note 31, at 74
57 Dunoff and Trachtman, ‘Economic Analysis of’, supra note 46, at 10-11.
58 김성원, ‘법경제학 국제법 방법론에 관한 연구’, supra note 31, at 74
20
Beyond the concerns, law and economics can be applied and be useful tool for
analysing international legal issues, using price theory, efficient breach hypothesis,
transaction cost, game theory, and public choice theory. In this part, in order to show or
make application of each economic theory more clear, explanations are separated. However,
economic theories are not applied alone but together and supplement each other in order to
analyse international law. For example, price theory suggests the basis for cost-benefit
analysis and theory of efficient breach. Transaction economics that supplement price
theory give insights for the real world as incomplete market. Under the insights from the
theories, game theory can give explanations states’ strategic behaviours in a international
circumstance as a game.
2.2.1
Price Theory
A law and economics approach gives some insights for interpreting treaties by applying
market price in a complete competitive market. The approach considers treaties made
between states or resolutions in international organisations as market price. In other words,
considering international conferences for making treaties or councils of international
organisations for resolutions as markets in which information for supply and demand is
exchanged, the approach recognises that treaties or resolutions in the meeting or
conferences are market prices concluded between states and, therefore, those preferences
of parties achieves ‘Pareto Efficiency’. This market-based approach, of course, has a
market failure problem, and a law and economics approach does not exclude the possibility
of market failure in which the Pareto Efficiency is not achieved.59 Despite the possibility
of market failure, however, if the treaties or resolutions are considered as maximising
preferences between parties, a law and economics approach theoretically underlies the
priority of a text-based interpretation to the treaties or resolutions.60 Therefore, law and
economics emphasises the text-based interpretation even though the approach is
purportedly an efficiency-based interpretation.
Text-based interpretation upholds the contracts by the parties to the treaty, and such
contracts are presumptively efficient when the markets for contracts of treaties or
resolutions are well functioning. Text-based interpretation supported by such a market
59 See, e.g., Richard O. Zerbe, Economic Efficiency in Law and Economics (Edward Elgar Publishing 2001),
at 167-174.
60 김성원, ‘법경제학 국제법 방법론에 관한 연구’, supra note 31, at 75.
21
approach for determination of preferences is possible to be more respected than a court’s
analogical interpretation. Furthermore, the priority of text-based interpretation stimulates
additional transactions because ‘if authoritative interpreters respect the original texts, states
will be encouraged to enter into treaties’. 61 Ultimately, from a law and economics
approach, the analogical interpretation based on ‘judicial activism’ by courts is undesirable
where there is no direct rule for application to an issue.
In advisory opinion on legality of the threat or use of nuclear weapons, the
International Court of Justice (ICJ) recognised and considered an importance of priority or
necessity of text-based interpretation supported by a market price perspective from law and
economics.62 In the advisory opinion, the ICJ concluded that ‘there is in neither customary
nor conventional international law any specific authorization of the threat or use of nuclear
weapons’63, and ‘there is in neither customary nor conventional international law any
comprehensive and universal prohibition of the threat or use of nuclear weapons as such’.64
This conclusion has been criticised by many international lawyers and, especially, the non
liquet of ICJ was thought to be a central problem.65 However, according to the law and
economics approach, a solution based on ‘judicial activism’ for overcoming non liquet is
undesirable.66 Moreover, in that case, an argument that nuclear weapons should be treated
as poisoned weapons has been advanced. In the argument, nuclear weapons would be
prohibited under ‘the Second Hague Declaration of 29 July 1899’, ‘Article 23 (a) of the
Regulations respecting the laws and customs of war on land annexed to the Hague
Convention IV of 18 October 1907’ and ‘the Geneva Protocol of 17 June 1925’.67 In
response to that argument, the ICJ observed that the regulations do not define ‘poison or
poisoned weapons’ and that different interpretations exist on the issue. In addition, the ICJ
argued that the term was understood by state practice, and the practice is clear that ‘nuclear
weapon’ was not treated as a ‘poisoned weapon’ by the parties. Accordingly, the ICJ
61 Dunoff and Trachtman, ‘The Law and Economics’, supra note 19, at 399.
62 Legality of the Threat or Use of Nuclear Weapons, Advisory Opinion, ICJ Report (1996) 21.
63 Ibid, at para. 105(2) A.
64 Ibid, at para. 105(2) B.
65 Timothy L.H. McCormack, ‘A non liquet on nuclear weapons – The ICJ avoids the application of general
principles of international humanitarian law’, 316 International Review of the Red Cross(1997) 76. In this
article, McCormack argues that the ICJ failed a process to apply general principle of international law to the
issue.
66 김성원, ‘법경제학 국제법 방법론에 관한 연구’, supra note 31, at 75.
67 Advisory Opinion, supra note 60, at para. 54.
22
rejected the argument.68 Therefore, the conclusion of the ICJ in this opinion is one
example which underlies the necessity or priority of a text-based interpretation that the law
and economics approach emphasise.
2.2.2
Efficient Breach Hypothesis
Law and economics can predict the degree of compliance with international law, using
price theory and cost-benefit analysis. From this perspective, compliance depends on the
price of breach. If the price of a breach is relatively high, compliance will be expected. To
be calculated, the price of breach needs both the measure of damages and institutions to
oblige the payment of damages. With this simple tool, law and economics approaches can
assess the relative binding force of international treaties and, when the need for enhanced
compliance exists, can suggest modifications of treaty structures in order to enhance their
binding force.69 From this approach, where an international agreement has no sanctions or
unfixed sanctions, an expectation for a high level of compliance with the international
agreement is irrational. Thus, comparing benefit from compliance with cost from breaching
of international agreements, a law and economics approach gives insight to evaluate or
estimate a degree of compliance with international agreements and to find solutions for
improving international regulation.70
In such a way, law and economics uses the theory of efficient breach in domestic
contract context for analysing compliance or binding force of international agreements.71
The theory of efficient breach is that ‘where breach of contract is more efficient than
performance, the law ought to facilitate breach in such circumstances’. 72 Although
contracting parties, courts, and the drafters of contract law strive, there will be
circumstances that compliance will cost more than benefit but will not be justified by any
provisions and principle rule of contract law. In these circumstances, if the one party
prefers to compensate another party for the lost value of compliance rather than comply
68 Ibid, at para. 55-56.
69 Dunoff and Trachtman, ‘Economic Analysis of’, supra note 46, at 31.
70 김성원, ‘법경제학 국제법 방법론에 관한 연구’, supra note 31, at 76.
71 For more detail, See Barry E. Alder, ‘Efficient Breach Theory Through the Looking Glass’, 83 New York
University Law Review (2008) 1679-1725; Eric A. Posner and Alan O. Sykes, ‘Efficient Breach of
International Law: Optimal Remedies, “Legalized Noncompliance,” and Related Issues’, 110 Michigan Law
Review (2011) 243-294.
72 Dunoff and Trachtman, ‘Economic Analysis of’, supra note 46, at 31.
23
with the contract, breach is efficient.73 In other words, where cost of compliance with a
contract is higher than benefit of compliance that parties can expect, the efficient breach is
realised. The theory of efficient breach is the most influential theory from law and
economics74, and the theory is accepted in contract laws in most countries.75
From a normative perspective, however, some international legal scholars give a
sceptical response to the concept of efficient breach.76 They argue that if the idea/theory of
efficient breach is accepted, the treaty regime will be weakened, and one cannot therefore
expect states to comply with international treaties sincerely. Traditionally, the belief that a
treaty will be obeyed, the principle called pacta sunt servanda, has been thought as the
most important doctrine in international legal thought. If efficient breach is encouraged by
state’s immediate or short-term interest, the fundamental rule of pacta sunt servanda will
be undermined, and as a result, it will be more difficult to makes sustained cooperation
between states through treaty regime.77
The same objection is not only raised in the international context but also in the
domestic context. Because the belief that contracts will be obeyed is a fundamental rule,
contracts are important. However, if under certain circumstance the possibility of breach is
predicted and liability is clear, the problem of theory of efficient breach will be overcome,
and the efficient breach can be useful under such circumstances. Under circumstance
where there are effective dispute settlements and obvious remedies to damages that can be
easily monetised are guaranteed, the theory of efficient breach gives an insight to facilitate
state’s entry into contract.78 The General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT)/WTO
escape clause is a suitable example which shows the application of efficient breach to
international law.79 Under the WTO Dispute settlement Understanding, in cases where a
WTO dispute panel or the Appellate Body concludes that a measure is inconsistent with the
GATT, ‘it shall recommend that the Member concerned bring the measure into conformity
73 Posner and Sykes, ‘Efficient Breach of International Law’, supra note 71, at 257-258.
74 Trachtman, The Economic Structure, supra note 19, at 142.
75 김성원, ‘법경제학 국제법 방법론에 관한 연구’, supra note 31, at 76.
76 For more detail, see, Joost Pauwelyn, Optimal Protection of International Law: Navigating between
European Absolutism and American Voluntarism (Cambridge University Press, 2012)
77 Dunoff and Trachtman, ‘Economic Analysis of’, supra note 46, at 32.
78 Ibid; 김성원, ‘법경제학 국제법 방법론에 관한 연구’, supra note 31, at 77.
79 See Alan O. Sykes, ‘Protectionism as a “Safeguard”: A Positive Analysis of the GATT “Escape Clause”
with Normative Speculations’, 58 University of Chicago Law Review (1991) 255-306.
24
with that agreement’.80 According to the conclusion by the dispute settlement body, the
member state can and should match the measure with the agreement by amending or
retracting the inconsistent measure. However, in case where the state compensates
damages from the non-complying measure, the measure may be maintained. 81
Consequently, the state may escape from amending or retracting the offending measure by
providing compensation or accepting retaliation authorised by the WTO in order to restore
‘the balance of negotiated concessions’. 82 Undoubtedly, it is true that escape from
obligation of international treaties should not be utilised as general way to enhance the
normative force of treaties.83 However, the above law and economics analysis is useful
and valuable in giving insights for inducing more states to enter into treaties and for
devising effective dispute settlement procedures.84
2.2.3
Transaction Cost Economics
A law and economics approach can explain when and how international contractual
arrangement between states can be achieved or fail by using transaction cost economics.
The transaction costs which are, for example, the costs of negotiating, arranging,
monitoring, and enforcing a contract, significantly affects contractual arrangements. As
with domestic contractual arrangements, of course, the development and operation of
international agreements may be affected by the transaction costs involved.85 Transaction
costs are even higher than domestic contractual arrangements due to the complexity,
uncertainty, and the number of states in international relations. Thus, to understand
international agreements well, one must know not only the benefits from international
80 Art. 19(1), Understanding on Rules and Procedures Governing the Settlement of Disputes, 15 April 1994,
Marrakesh Agreement Establishing the World Trade Organization, Annex 2. ‘The “Member concerned” is the
party to the dispute to which the panel or Appellate Body recommendations are directed.’ Sykes,
‘Protectionism as a “Safeguard”’, supra note 79, at note 9.
81 Art. 22(1), Understanding on Rules and Procedures Governing the Settlement of Disputes, supra note 78.
82 Dunoff and Trachtman, ‘Economic Analysis of’, supra note 46, at 33. For problem of efficient breach and
opposite argument for the Dispute Settlement Understanding, see John H. Jackson, ‘The WTO Dispute
Settlement Understanding-Misunderstandings on the Nature of Legal Obligation’, 91 American Journal of
International Law(1997)60-84.
83 This efficient breach is not preferred even though permitted. Art. 22(1), Understanding on Rules and
Procedures Governing the Settlement of Disputes.
84 김성원, ‘법경제학 국제법 방법론에 관한 연구’, supra note 31, at 77.
85 See William J. Aceves, ‘The Economic Analysis of International Law: Transaction Cost Economics and
The Concept of State Practice’, 17 University of Pennsylvania Journal of International Economic Law (1996)
995-1068, at1006-1031.
25
cooperation but also the transaction costs of international agreements.86
A law and economics approach can shed substantial light on rules governing the
exercise of prescriptive jurisdiction that a state has power to legislate by applying
transaction cost economics. Law and economics tries to analogise domestic property to
international prescriptive jurisdiction.87 Under positive transaction costs, clear property
rights can reduce transaction costs and can affect efficiency. As with the clarity of property
rights, international legal scholars require clear international legal rules to regulate
prescriptive jurisdiction. However, clarity is not always a solution for the problem of
property rights. Although clarity is considered to reduce transaction costs, clarity cannot
always solve the problem of jurisdiction. Clarity may be useful in circumstances where the
initial allocation by property rules is difficult and where there are low transaction costs,
allowing reallocation through transactions. On the contrary, if transaction costs are high,
clarity is insufficient.88 According to Calabresi and Melamed’s analysis, while property
rules may be preferable for economic efficiency in circumstances where transaction costs
are low, liability rules may be appropriate for not only economic efficiency but also
distributive results in circumstances in which transaction costs are high.89 The WTO
dispute resolution system is one example that illustrates this analysis in international
society. According to Dunoff and Trachtman, ‘The availability of relatively strong dispute
resolution under the WTO has served as a magnet to draw in many types of claims that
otherwise would have lacked strong institutional contexts.’90
In addition, transaction cost economics can analyse international organisation or
governance by applying the theory of the firm from the Coase theorem.91 Coase argued
that although corporations generate agency costs, corporations exist because the
transaction costs are larger than the agency costs. In other words, the corporations are
made in order to avoid some of the transaction costs.92 Similarly, states can reduce
transaction costs by joining together in international organisations when they need to
cooperate for certain goods or ends, such as international security or international trade. As
86 See Posner and Sykes, Economic foundations of International Law, supra note 27, at 20-24.
87 Dunoff and Trachtman, ‘Economic Analysis of’, supra note 46, at 22.
88 Ibid, at 23-25.
89 See Guido Calabresi and A. Douglas Melamed, ‘Property Rules, Liability Rules, and inalienability: One
View of the Cathedral’, 85 Harvard Law Review (1972) 1089-1128.
90 Dunoff and Trachtman, ‘Economic Analysis of’, supra note 46, at 25.
91 See Ronald. H. Coase, ‘The Nature of the Firm’, supra note 28.
92 See Ibid.
