Local Property Tax in Ireland,
can the critical success factors of the high compliance rate
be applied to the introduction of future taxes.
Dissertation submitted in part fulfilment of the requirements for the
Degree of Executive Masters in Business Administration (EMBA) at
Dublin Business School
Sara Gooney
EMBA
September, 2014
2
Title Page
Name of Institution: Dublin Business School
Programme of Study: Executive Masters In Business Administration
Year of Submission: 2014
Name of Author: Sara Gooney
ID Number of Author: 10268268
Title: Local Property Tax in Ireland,
can the critical success factors of the high compliance rate
be applied to the introduction of future taxes
Supervisor: Mr Stuart Garvie
Word count: 22,769 words
3
Table of Contents Page
1.0 Declaration
……………………………………………………………………………………….. 11
2.0 Acknowledgements
……………………………………………………………………………. 12
3.0 Abstract
……………………………………………………………………………………………. 13
4.0 Introduction
……………………………………………………………………………………… 15
4.1 Background ………………………………………………………………………………………………… 16
4.2 Research Objectives
…………………………………………………………………………………….. 24
4.3 Research Question ………………………………………………………………………………………. 25
4.4 Research Hypothesis
……………………………………………………………………………………. 27
4.5 Recipients for the Research
………………………………………………………………………….. 27
4.6 Suitability of the Researcher
………………………………………………………………………… 28
5.0 Literature Review……………………………………………………………………………… 30
5.1 Introduction
………………………………………………………………………………………………… 31
5.2 Tax Compliance ………………………………………………………………………………………….. 32
5.2.1 Deterrence Effects ………………………………………………………………………………………………….
34
5.2.2. The Impact of Norms on Behaviour ……………………………………………………………………….
36
5.2.3. Fairness and Trust (in the tax administration)
………………………………………………………..
40
5.2.4. Complexity of the Tax System
………………………………………………………………………………..
43
5.2.5. Role of Government and Broader Economic Environment ……………………………………..
46
5.3 Tax Planning and Designing the Suite of Property Taxes
………………………………. 49
5.3.1 Household Charge ………………………………………………………………………………………………….
53
5.3.2 Local Property Tax Rationale …………………………………………………………………………………
55
5.3.3 Thornhill Report ……………………………………………………………………………………………………
58
6.0 Research Methodology………………………………………………………………………. 61
4
6.1 Introduction
………………………………………………………………………………………………… 62
6.2 Methodology ……………………………………………………………………………………………….. 63
6.3 Research Philosophy
……………………………………………………………………………………. 65
6.4 Methodology selection …………………………………………………………………………………. 69
6.5 Research Approach
……………………………………………………………………………………… 71
6.6 Research Strategy ……………………………………………………………………………………….. 72
6.7 Time Horizons ……………………………………………………………………………………………. 73
6.7.1 Cross-Sectional Time Horizon ………………………………………………………………………………..
73
6.7.2 Longitudinal Time Horizon
…………………………………………………………………………………….
73
6.8 Data Collection Methods ……………………………………………………………………………… 74
6.9 Data Collection, Editing and Coding
…………………………………………………………….. 75
6.9.1 Qualitative Data …………………………………………………………………………………………………….
75
6.9.2 Quantitative Data …………………………………………………………………………………………………..
76
Chapter 7 Results and Findings
………………………………………………………………. 78
7.1 Qualitative Data Editing and Coding
……………………………………………………………. 79
7.1.1 Interview Findings………………………………………………………………………………………………….
79
7.2 Quantitative Data Editing and Coding …………………………………………………………. 81
7.2.1 Questionnaire Findings
…………………………………………………………………………………………..
82
I.
General background Information …………………………………………………………………………..
83
II.
Household Charge levels of awareness ……………………………………………………………………
86
III. Local property tax levels of awareness ……………………………………………………………………
91
IV. Perceptions of the uses of the Tax collected
……………………………………………………………..
96
V.
Influencing factors on behaviour
…………………………………………………………………………….
98
VI. Participants perceptions of tax and of Revenue ……………………………………………………..
105
VII. Indicators of future compliance ……………………………………………………………………………
113
VIII. Influencing factors on behaviour
………………………………………………………………………….
116
IX. Background payment information ……………………………………………………………………….
121
X.
Necessity of assistance ………………………………………………………………………………………….
123
XI. Demographic snapshot …………………………………………………………………………………………
125
5
Chapter 8 Analysis and Discussions ………………………………………………………. 128
8.1 Introduction
………………………………………………………………………………………………. 129
8.2 Tax Compliance and Tax Design
………………………………………………………………… 129
8.2.1 Deterrence
……………………………………………………………………………………………………………
132
8.2.2 Norms (both personal and social) ………………………………………………………………………….
134
8.2.3. Fairness and trust (in the tax administration) ……………………………………………………….
134
8.2.4. Complexity of the tax system
………………………………………………………………………………..
136
8.2.5. Role of government and broader economic environment
……………………………………….
137
8.3
Revenues Developments ……………………………………………………………………… 138
Chapter 9 Conclusion and recommendations ………………………………………… 144
9.1 Introduction
………………………………………………………………………………………………. 145
9.2 Research Objectives Achieved ……………………………………………………………………. 145
9.2.1 Commissioned reports explored
…………………………………………………………………………….
145
9.2.2 Identify the broad factors that determine compliance
…………………………………………….
146
9.2.3 Identify the reasons for the high compliance rates
………………………………………………….
148
9.2.4 Generate theoretical suggestions for future use
………………………………………………………
149
9.3 Research Hypothesis Testing …………………………………………………………… 152
9.4 Research Recommendations ……………………………………………………………. 152
9.5 Limitations of the Research……………………………………………………………… 153
9.6 The Future Policies for Tax Implementation ……………………………………. 153
Chapter 10 Reflections on Learning
………………………………………………………. 155
10.1 Introduction
…………………………………………………………………………………………….. 156
10.2 Learning Style …………………………………………………………………………………………. 156
10.3 Review of Learning ………………………………………………………………………………….. 159
6
10.3.1 Research Skills
……………………………………………………………………………………………………
162
10.4 Future Applications of Learning ………………………………………………………………. 164
Appendices
…………………………………………………………………………………………… 166
Appendix 1: Table of Abbreviations ……………………………………………………………….. 167
Appendix 2: Euros to the Rescue, World Bank 2012/EC ………………………………….. 169
Appendix 3: Eurozone Bailouts – BBC Eurostats 2013 …………………………………….. 170
Appendix 4: Dissertation Data Flow ……………………………………………………………….. 171
Appendix 5: The Literature Review Process
……………………………………………………. 172
Appendix 6 : Mind Map for Local Property Tax
……………………………………………… 173
Appendix 7 : Timeline for dissertation ……………………………………………………………. 174
Appendix 8: The Implementation Process of the Property Tax ………………………… 175
Appendix 9: Terms of Reference – Interdepartmental Group
…………………………… 176
Appendix 10: Interdepartmental Group Specification of work for the ESRI.
……. 177
Appendix 11: The Property Valuation Bands for Local Property Tax
………………. 180
Appendix 12 : Table of selected International Property Tax Systems ………………… 181
Appendix 13 : Semi-structured Interview Question list …………………………………….. 185
Appendix 14 : Semi-structured Interview Recordings ………………………………………. 187
Appendix 15 : Questionnaire Question- Set ……………………………………………………… 195
Appendix 16 : Honey and Mumford definition (Mobbs, 1982)
………………………….. 204
Appendix 17 : Local Property Tax Project Costings …………………………………………. 205
Bibliography ………………………………………………………………………………………… 206
7
List of Figures and Tables
List of Figures
FIGURE 1. PROPERTY TAXES SUMMARY………………………………………………………………………………
24
FIGURE 2. TAX COMPLIANCE MODEL OF THE NEW ZEALAND TAX AUTHORITY ……………………….
34
FIGURE 3. TAX COMPLIANCE MODEL, CHAU AND LEUNG (2009) ……………………………………………
37
FIGURE 4. KIRCHLER’S ‘SLIPPERY SLOPE’ …………………………………………………………………………….
41
FIGURE 5: THE HONEYCOMB OF RESEARCH METHODOLOGY (WILSON 2013) ………………………..
64
FIGURE 6: “THE RESEARCH ONION” (SAUNDERS, 2009) ……………………………………………………….
65
FIGURE 7. A HIERARCHICAL APPROACH TO A PARADIGM (KYRÖ, 2002) ………………………………..
67
FIGURE 8. BASIC PHILOSOPHICAL CHOICES DERIVED FROM BALLANTYNE, (1991) ……………………
69
FIGURE 9. TABLE OF METHODOLOGICAL CHOICE, SAUNDERS (2012) …………………………………….
70
FIGURE 10. INITIAL AWARENESS OF THE HOUSEHOLD CHARGE
……………………………………………..
83
FIGURE 11. INITIAL AWARENESS OF THE LOCAL PROPERTY TAX …………………………………………….
84
FIGURE 12. OWNER OF A RESIDENTIAL PROPERTY WITHIN THE STATE……………………………………
85
FIGURE 13. OWNERSHIP TYPE
……………………………………………………………………………………………
85
FIGURE 14. CURRENT NON-OWNERS WOULD PAY THE TAX IN THE FUTURE ……………………………
86
FIGURE 15. INFORMED LEVEL FOR THE HOUSEHOLD CHARGE
……………………………………………….
87
FIGURE 16. ADEQUATE INFORMATION RECEIVED FOR THE HOUSEHOLD CHARGE …………………..
87
FIGURE 17. LEVEL OF UNDERSTANDING OF INFORMATION RECEIVED ……………………………………
88
FIGURE 18. FURTHER INFORMATION SOUGHT FOR HOUSEHOLD CHARGE
……………………………..
89
FIGURE 19. BLANKET €100 CHARGE FOR HOUSEHOLD CHARGE FOR 2012 ………………………………
90
FIGURE 20. INFORMED LEVEL FOR THE LOCAL PROPERTY TAX ………………………………………………
91
FIGURE 21. ADEQUATE INFORMATION RECEIVED ABOUT THE LOCAL PROPERTY TAX ………………
92
FIGURE 22. LEVEL OF UNDERSTANDING OF INFORMATION RECEIVED ……………………………………
93
FIGURE 23. FURTHER INFORMATION SOUGHT FOR LOCAL PROPERTY TAX ……………………………..
94
8
FIGURE 24. BANDED RATES FOR THE LOCAL PROPERTY TAX FOR 2013 ONWARDS …………………..
95
FIGURE 25. PUBLIC’S PERCEPTION OF WHAT USE IS MADE OUT OF THE PROPERTY TAX …………..
96
FIGURE 26. PUBLICS OPINION ON WHICH AREAS BENEFIT AND WHICH DON’T
………………………..
97
FIGURE 27. PAY TAX DUE TO FEAR OF BEING CAUGHT FOR NON-PAYMENT ……………………………
98
FIGURE 28. PAY TAX DUE TO HIGH RISK OF BEING CAUGHT FOR NON-PAYMENT …………………….
99
FIGURE 29. PAY TAX TO AVOID PUBLICATION AS A TAX DEFAULTER ………………………………………
99
FIGURE 30. PAYING THE TAX AS IT IS A BELIEVED SOCIAL NORM ………………………………………….
100
FIGURE 31. PAY THE TAX AS TAX COLLECTED IS PUT TO GOOD USE
………………………………………
101
FIGURE 32. PAY TAX AS RISK OF FINES AND PENALTIES ARE HIGH ………………………………………..
102
FIGURE 33. PAY TAX AS PERCEIVED PERSONAL DUTY
………………………………………………………….
103
FIGURE 34. PAY TAX AS IT IS A LEGAL REQUIREMENT TO PAY IT …………………………………………..
103
FIGURE 35. PAY TAX TO AVOID CHARGE BEING PUT ON PROPERTY
………………………………………
104
FIGURE 36. PAY TAX AS STRONG MORAL OBLIGATION TO PAY IT …………………………………………
104
FIGURE 37. TAX EVASION IS ACCEPTED IN IRISH SOCIETY…………………………………………………….
105
FIGURE 38. TAX EVASION IS A CRIME
………………………………………………………………………………..
106
FIGURE 39. UNDER DECLARING PROPERTY VALUES ……………………………………………………………
106
FIGURE 40. REVENUE DETECTING UNDER DECLARED PROPERTY VALUES
………………………………
107
FIGURE 41. REVENUE CAPABLE OF ADMINISTERING THE TAX
………………………………………………
108
FIGURE 42. PERCEPTION OF SOCIETY BEING HONEST IN DECLARING TAXES ………………………….
108
FIGURE 43. OWNERS ACCEPTING REVENUE ESTIMATED VALUATION
……………………………………
109
FIGURE 44. CLAIMING ENTITLED EXEMPTIONS
…………………………………………………………………..
110
FIGURE 45. CLAIMING UNENTITLED EXEMPTIONS
………………………………………………………………
110
FIGURE 46. REVENUES APPROACHFULNESS ………………………………………………………………………
111
FIGURE 47. USEFULNESS OF THE ONLINE LPT FACILITY ……………………………………………………….
111
FIGURE 48. REVENUES’ CONTACTABILITY ………………………………………………………………………….
112
FIGURE 49. BETTER COMPLIANCE AS IMPROVED UNDERSTANDING OF THE TAXES ……………….
113
FIGURE 50. BETTER COMPLIANCE AS IMPROVED UNDERSTANDING OF THE SYSTEM …………….
114
9
FIGURE 51. BETTER COMPLIANCE AS IMPROVED UNDERSTANDING OF OBLIGATIONS …………..
114
FIGURE 52. BETTER COMPLIANCE AS TRUST IN COLLECTION PROCESSES ……………………………..
115
FIGURE 53. BETTER COMPLIANCE AS TRUST IN BEING FAIRLY TREATED ……………………………….
115
FIGURE 54. BETTER COMPLIANCE TO AVOID CONTACT FROM REVENUE ………………………………
116
FIGURE 55. BETTER COMPLIANCE TO AVOID LATE CHARGES ………………………………………………
117
FIGURE 56. BETTER COMPLIANCE TO AVOID A REVENUE AUDIT…………………………………………..
117
FIGURE 57. BETTER COMPLIANCE TO AVOID INCOME DEDUCTIONS ……………………………………
118
FIGURE 58. REVENUE ACCEPTS SELF-ASSESSED VALUATIONS ……………………………………………..
118
FIGURE 59. BETTER COMPLIANCE AS OTHERS ARE DECLARING HONESTLY ……………………………
119
FIGURE 60. BETTER COMPLIANCE AS EVASION IS IMPOSSIBLE …………………………………………….
120
FIGURE 61. BETTER COMPLIANCE BECAUSE THE TAX IS PERCEIVED FAIR ………………………………
120
FIGURE 62. BETTER COMPLIANCE FACILITATED BY A HOST OF PAYMENT OPTIONS
………………..
121
FIGURE 63. A BREAKDOWN OF WHO PAID THE TAX ON THE OWNERS BEHALF
………………………
122
FIGURE 64. A BREAKDOWN ON WHO’S BEHALF THE TAX WAS PAID …………………………………….
122
FIGURE 65. WAS THE PAYER REIMBURSED FOR PAYING THE TAX …………………………………………
123
FIGURE 66. IN RELATION TO PROPERTY TAX THE PARTICIPANT PROVIDED ASSISTANCE ………….
124
FIGURE 67. IN RELATION TO PROPERTY TAX THE PARTICIPANT RECEIVED ASSISTANCE …………..
124
FIGURE 68. INFORMED LEVEL OF YOUR TAXATION AND OBLIGATIONS …………………………………
125
FIGURE 68. GENDER BREAKDOWN OF THE PARTICIPANTS
…………………………………………………..
126
FIGURE 69. AGE PROFILE OF THE PARTICIPANTS ………………………………………………………………..
126
FIGURE 70. OCCUPATION PROFILE OF THE PARTICIPANTS …………………………………………………..
127
FIGURE 71. KOLB AND FRY’S LEARNING CYCLE(BUSINESSBALLS.COM) ………………………………….
158
10
List of Tables
TABLE 1. PERCENTAGE OF TOTAL TAX REVENUE, SOURCE EC (2013) ……………………………………..
17
TABLE 2. THE BAILOUT IN NUMBERS, SOURCED IRISH INDEPENDENT 23/10/2013 …………………..
18
TABLE 3. HISTORY OF DOMESTIC PROPERTY TAXES IN IRELAND ……………………………………………
20
TABLE 4. OWNER OCCUPIERS – SOMERVILLE (2007) …………………………………………………………….
21
TABLE 5. COMMISSIONED REPORTS BY THE IRISH GOVERNMENT INTO TAX REFORM ………………
23
TABLE 6. ATTRIBUTES OF A GOOD RESEARCH TOPIC, (SAUNDERS 2009 ) ……………………………….
26
TABLE 7. A SUMMARY OF RECOMMENDATIONS FROM THE THORNHILL REPORT
…………………….
58
TABLE 9. DIFFERENCES IN DEDUCTIVE AND INDUCTIVE APPROACHES TO RESEARCH ………………
71
TABLE 10. DIFFERENT TYPES OF RESEARCH (SAUNDERS 2009)
……………………………………………….
72
TABLE 11. KOLB’S FOUR CATEGORIES OF LEARNERS (1982) ………………………………………………..
160
TABLE 12. LEARNING CYCLE BY SQUAREONE-LEARNING.COM ……………………………………………..
162
11
1.0 Declaration
This project is solely the work of the author and is produced and submitted
in partial fulfilment of the Final Year Dissertation Project requirement of the
Executive Masters in Business Administration.
I declare that no portion of the work referred to in the dissertation has been
submitted in support of an application for another degree or qualification of
this or any other university or other institute of learning.
Further, this research project expresses the views of the author solely and do
not necessarily represent the views of the Revenue Commissioners. The
author alone is responsible for any omissions or errors.
12
2.0 Acknowledgements
I would like to thank Dublin Business School for permitting me to experience this
course, broaden my knowledge and learning and to be finally submitting this
dissertation. It has been a long road with unexpected challenges and demands and
I am so grateful to be nearing the finish line. I would like to thank the staff of
Dublin Business School, the lecturers and especially the Registrar for their
dedication, assistance and insight to assist me in completing my journey.
I would like to express my gratitude to my parents, Tom and Maureen for their
endless support, my partner Mark who hides his delight when I say that I am
spending the evening studying as he then assumes sole custody of the TV remote
and the laptop!.
Finally I would like to thank my three wonderful children, Joy, Lauren and
Marcus who have missed out a bit while I was engrossed on this “project” but you
will have my full concentration when this has been submitted, I promise you that.
____________
Sara Gooney
August 2014
13
Local Property Tax in Ireland, can the critical success factors of the high
compliance rate be applied to the introduction of future taxes
3.0 Abstract
Tax compliance, theories on compliance and behavioural economics are becoming
more frequent in the growing body of literature on tax policy and the redesign of
tax policies. This is due to the fact that Ireland has a voluntary compliance tax
system and research has been conducted to understand the motives for
compliance. Local property tax was implemented into Ireland in 2013,1 and has
achieved significant compliance rates of 95% for 2013 2, why and how did this
happen?
This research will investigate the drivers behind the high compliance rates from
the tax administration‟s policy and procedures viewpoint and balancing this with
an analysis of what motivates taxpayers to be compliant in a recessionary era.
1 Local Property Tax predecessor was Household Charge for the year 2012 – implemented by the
Department of Environment, Community and Local Government and collected by the Local
Authorities from 01/01/2012 – 30/06/2013 and thereafter collection responsibility was entrusted in
the Office of the Revenue Commissioners.
2 95% compliance rate equates to 1,766,518 Local Property Tax returns been filed on Revenues
systems as a percentage of total number of properties. (Revenue 2014c)
14
„R
esearch in Ireland suggests that deterrence, the more traditional tool of
tax administrations, is important but not sufficient to explain the level of
tax compliance in society. Other factors are shown to be important,
particularly the influence of personal norms and the level of trust in the
tax administration‟
. Walsh (2012)
Behavioural research and research into trust in the present day tax administration
will be investigated in this paper, with the view of understanding and deciphering
the critical success factors of the local property tax project implemented in the
Irish state.
This paper will analyse the tax strategy that shaped the design of the suite of local
property tax from the enactment of the legislation to the implementation of the tax
and active collection programme by the Revenue Commissioners that lead to the
high compliance rate. The fallout from this is discussed in addition to the
advantages, disadvantages and obstacles to implementing such a framework. This
paper also highlights the possible expansion of Revenues effective tax collection
abilities to encompass future taxes and increased responsibilities.
15
4.0 Introduction
16
4.1 Background
The Irish tax system and Irish customs regime are the responsibility of the Office
of the Revenue Commissioners who advise the Department of Finance on tax
policy.
In recent years there has been an increased focus on the motives and attitudes of
taxpayers to understand their behaviour, to improve voluntary compliance rates
and increase the tax administrations efficiencies.
The focus of this research is to look at this compliance rate through the
introduction and application of the Irish property taxes. The research will examine
tax compliance (see chapter 5), the economic reasons for the introduction of the
property taxes, the subsequent tax planning and design of the suite of property
taxes with the resulting high compliance rates.
In Irelands „National Development Plan 2007-2013‟ Taoiseach Bertie Ahearn
T.D. states;
“The past decade has seen tremendous economic and social progress in
Ireland. We have put in place the foundations of a truly modern, forward
looking, internationalised society. The greatest challenge we now face is
to consolidate and sustain this remarkable achievement to ensure that we
provide a better quality of life for all”.
In hindsight, the challenge mentioned above was grossly underestimated at the
time. The Irish economy was, up to 2007, a worldwide success story, but it has
fallen farther than most since the global financial crisis.
17
Between 1990 and August 2007 Ireland enjoyed a growing low tax economy, its
growth encompassed living standards kerbed by the recession in the 1970s and
harsh times during the 1980s. Improved living standards gave rise to heightened
expectations with a skilled generation complete with increased educational
qualifications combined with favourable demographics, an increased number of
skilled workers entered the labour market (Kinsella 2012). The EU single market
combined with our geographical positioning, tax rates and skilled work force
made Ireland attractive for inward investment, especially from the US
contributing to increased Irish exports (European Community 2013). The
economic dynamic altered from 2002 onwards where rising property prices
fuelled a „credit‟ society and the inherent desire to „own your own home‟ fuelled
mass-consumption on the property market creating a self-fulfilling prophecy
where a large element of society became ‟property investors‟, with an
accompanying build-up of personal indebtedness. As the construction activity
grew strongly it masked the true situation and created a false economy.
Table 1. Percentage of total tax revenue, ( European Community 2013)
18
The risky lending from the banking sector grew disproportionately with short term
borrowings from abroad supporting the market. The regulation in this area was
passive and „light touch‟ and has been criticized harshly since the collapse as a
contributing factor. The government enacted legislation for €400billion guarantee
scheme on the banks‟ liabilities with nationalisation of Anglo-Irish Bank costing
€35bn (3% of GDP)3. Ireland sought an EU/IMF/ECB4 bailout of €85bn in 2010.5
Table 2. The Bailout in Numbers, Sourced Irish Independent 23/10/2013
3 Reaching €40bn including Allied Irish Bank and Irish Nationwide Building Society
4 European Union (E.U.) / International Monetary Fund (I.M.F.)/European Central Bank (ECB)
referred to as IMF bailout from here on.
5 Appendix 2 Euros to the Rescue and Appendix 3 Eurozone Bailouts
19
Although the government began to implement austerity measures designed to
restore sustainability to its public finances, the IMF bailout came with stringent
conditions austere actions and deadlines as set out in the „Memorandum of
Understanding‟.6
Item number 4 of the Memorandum was the implementation of a property tax by
Q4 – 20117. This was the commencement of the household charge. Number 8 of
the Memorandum was an increase in the property tax by Q4 – 2012 which was the
introduction of the local property tax as it currently stands.
The IMF conducted twelve reviews during this time8 and Ireland officially exited
the bailout programme on the 15th of December 2013 when Ireland was formally
released from their strict oversight having meet the objectives of the
Memorandum and implementing the policies underpinning the IMF arrangement.
Ireland introduced the property taxes when required to do so, but it had been
dabbling in and out of domestic property taxes for over fifty years to generate
local funding for the local authorities (table 3).9
6 „Memorandum of Understanding‟ (MOU) on Specific Economic Policy Conditionality, 3rd
December, 2010
7 Q4 – 2011 refers to the fourth quarter in the year followed by the year in question.
8 Under „The extended arrangement and proposal for post-programme monitoring‟
9 Table 1 is strictly referring to residential property and is omitting commercial and agricultural for
the purposes of this research
20
Imputed Rental Income
Tax
1960s – 1969
Charge on income derived from
the ownership of buildings, taxable
on notional basis under Schedule A
Domestic Rates
1970s – 1978
Valuation based on 1847 property
values – antiquated, inequitable.
Residential Property
Tax
1983 – 1997
Combined assessment of income
and market value of property,
excess was taxed at 1.5%. Small
tax base, low yields – mostly in
Dublin region.
Table 3. History of domestic property taxes in Ireland
Prior to the 1978 abolition of Domestic Rates, local authorities were self-
financing 41%10 of their budgets.11 Following from this, in 1982 the percentage of
overall local government financing from rates dropped to 12%. The liability was
transferred from the ratepayers to central government to make up the short fall in
funding. Central government always played a part in funding a degree of local
government, (38% in 1976) but the subsidy increased to 67% in 1982. The narrow
tax base was very limiting for the local authorities. 12 Charges for local services
were implemented the government also established an equalisation fund to
provide support for less well-off authorities. The Local Government Act 1999
created a Local Government Fund,13 where a „Needs and Resources Model‟ was
used based on assessments of the authority‟s service provision (needs) and the
income (resources) that each authority should derive from the provision of these
services.14
10 Department of the Environment, Heritage and Local Government, Returns of Local Taxation
and Local Authority Budgets, Annual Report and Annual Output Statements
11 through the application of locally decided rates on both domestic and commercial properties.
12 Property Taxes, Central Grants and Services Charges- tax net for Local Authorities
13 Local Government Fund funded by the exchequer and Motor Tax net yield
14 Local Authority Budgets 2004, p.10
21
Share of owner occupiers
Rural Housing Stock
Urban Housing Stock
By 1961
77%
38%
By 2002
87%
72%
Table 4. Owner Occupiers – Somerville (2007)
Taking ownership into consideration there was a significant increase in owner
occupiers (table 4). In 2011 the number of owner occupied properties was
1,149,924. Revenue indicates there are currently 1.9 million properties overall
liable to local property tax.
There is growing interest and literature on the subject in the last thirty years
encouraging the property taxes re-introduction, but with the government‟s
reluctance to „fall out of favour‟ with society, a political paralysis overshadowed
the issue and the decision to re-implement the tax was pushed aside.
Various commissioned reports during this time encouraged and heavily
recommended its re-introduction but until it became a compulsory condition of
the IMF bailout/programme that it became an urgent issue. Ireland‟s absence of an
annual property tax was in contrast with some EU countries where it was seen as a
reliable source of income. See Appendix 12.
Property taxes are widely regarded as an efficient and equitable means of raising
revenue, but with a revenue potential that is largely untapped in many countries
(Norregaard 2013)
22
Property taxes can ease the difficulty associated with taxes levied on mobile bases
in a growing globalised economy as these taxes can strengthen “immobile” tax
sources such as immovable property.
On 21st March 1979 over 150,000 PAYE workers took to the streets of Dublin to
protest over unfair taxes and austerity. Following this a series of reports were
published by the Commission on Taxation (1980-1985) focusing on restructuring
and reforming the Irish tax system. A succession of commissioned reports
followed as seen in table 5, all reports considered and recommended the
introduction of an annual property based tax.
Report
Time Line
Purpose
Commission on
Taxation Report
1980-1985
A series of reports focusing on tax
reform and Local Government funding
The Financing of Local
Authorities
1985
Produced by the National Economic and
Social Council (NESC) to examine the
financing of local authorities
Review of Local
Government Financing
1996
Focusing on redesigning Local
Government funding
Indecon Report
2005
A review of Local Government
financing
Commission on
Taxation Report
2009
Focusing on restructuring and
reformation of the Irish tax system
ESRI15 Report
2012
“Analysis of Property Tax options” – set
out the scope for the Thornhill report
Report on Property Tax
“Thornhill Report”
2012
Inter-Departmental Group established
by Department of Environment
23
Table 5. Commissioned Reports by the Irish Government into Tax Reform
In January 2012, the Minister for the Environment16 established an Inter-
Departmental Group on Property Tax under the independent chairmanship of Dr
Don Thornhill. This Group was commissioned to design a property tax and to be
informed by the ESRI17 on the scope and options to be analysed (Department of
Environment 2012). This report became known as the “Thornhill Report” forming
the basis on which the legislation was drafted for the local property tax,18
replacing the household charge19.
Since the last implemented assessment of residential properties in Ireland was in
1845, the impact of the new tax would in all likelihood have been unpalatable
without the introduction of banding to provide some stability and predictability to
taxpayers (McCluskey 2013 as cited in OECD 2014). Easing the introduction of a
permanent annual tax, a temporary blanket charge namely Household Charge was
introduced in 2012.
16 Minister for Environment, Community and Local Government, Mr Phil Hogan T.D.
17 The Economic and Social Research Institute (ESRI)
18 Finance (Local Property Tax) ACT 2012 as amended
19 Local Government (Household Charge) Act 2011
24
Figure 1. Property Taxes Summary
This research will delve into the relevant literature and decipher what guided the
government in its design and implementation of the tax, discussed in chapter 5.
The research methodology is examined in chapter 6. Results and findings are
discussed in chapter 7. Chapter 8 draws together the literature and the findings
under analysis. This is followed by the conclusion and recommendations in
chapter 9 and reflections on the learning process summarised in chapter 10.
4.2 Research Objectives
Explore the commissioned reports and ensuing tax policy on the suite of
Irish property taxes
Identify the broad factors that determine compliance
Identify the reasons for the high compliance rates in this field
25
Generate theoretical suggestions for the future use of the critical success
factors of local property tax and future possibilities.
4.3 Research Question
Formulating and clarifying the research topic is the starting point of your research
project (Ghauri and Grønhaug 2005; Smith and Dainty 1991; Saunders et al
2009).
The basis for any dissertation or research is based on a research question, often
commencing broader and subsequently narrowed or refined as the research returns
relevant literature to shape the study path. Research questions tend to be loose at
the outset and become tighter as the work progresses (Partington 2002:100).
This research mirrors this statement in that the researcher commenced with
examining an area of their work, for example, property tax, where new policy was
being implemented that affected every property owner in the state. The research
led to understanding why taxpayers comply and the psychology behind their
actions/inactions.
The implementation of the property taxes had a very short lead in time and has
achieved significant levels of compliance without the need of the Revenue
Commissioners having to resort to large scale compulsory compliance projects in
a time of recession and fluctuating unemployment.
